Selma是Alabama的一个小镇的名字,是当年马丁·路德·金(MLK)领导的为黑人投票权而游行的起始地,是The Voting Rights Act (投票权法案)这一关键联邦法律的得到通过的动力之一。
这部片子的上映实在是不能再合时宜了。
首先是以John Roberts为首的最高法院在几个月前废除了The Voting Rights Act里面几个关键的条例,其理由竟然是盲目的“现在南方各州已无种族压迫或歧视,少数种族的人们已不再需要联邦法保护。
” 接着是不断涌现的无辜黑人公民被警察草率处决的事件(Michael Brown,Eric Garner),以及纽约的两位警察刚刚被谋杀的事件。
纷纷上街的人数逐渐增加,而改变的前景却不容乐观。
人们很迷惘很沮丧。
美国的人权的现况在明显的倒退。
在太平洋的另一边,一场小火也奄奄一息。
Selma及时的出现了,在大荧幕上带领我们回到了那个媒体技术刚刚起步的时代,一个人们冒着生命危险上街的时代。
它在大处讲述了MLK 为了呼吁国会通过保护黑人投票权的法案而做出的台前幕后的努力,从小处也对事件一些关键当事人——MLK及他的妻子,总统LBJ,Alabama州长George Wallace,当时随MLK游行的现任国会议员John Lewis等等——进行了聚焦,不仅刻骨展现了演讲、游行造势、以及警方残暴镇压的大场面,也非常生动的刻画了不同立场的各方(MLK的非暴力运动、学生领袖们、Malcolm X领导的暴力反抗组织、LBJ的白宫、Alabama的GW和Selma的警长)之间的政治纠葛。
这部电影非常精彩,进电影院的时候眼睛很累,进了之后才发现自己买的是IMAX第二排,庆幸的是电影院很人性化,第二排离荧幕有足够的距离,电影从头到尾都吸引人,眼泪也让眼珠更舒服了些,看着看着就一点都不累了。
整部电影的演员表其实非常强大,但它却是不声不响的来到美国大众面前的。
David Oyelowo饰演MLK,让我一时记不起真正的MLK的外表和谈吐是怎样的了。
他并没有特别细致的临摹MLK,但是他在演讲中的感染力和气势都有MLK的灵魂,也让我听到了以前不曾察觉的愤怒。
而在一些台下的戏里,他对于小细节的处理也非常逼真,使得MLK成为了一个生动的人,而没有停留于一个高大上的印象。
George Wallace竟然是Tim Roth饰演的,一上来我有些吃惊,但是他将这个人物的可恨演得非常成功,他的台词说的也很好,有些荒唐的台词让人不得不笑。
Tom Wilkinson饰演的这个版本的LBJ也很好。
电影中将LBJ总统刻画成了法案推进中的阻力之一:电影中投票权并不是他的首要政治议题和目标,他觉得MLK的运动阻碍了他的议程,是在MLK不断的批评和激励之下才最终发表演说支持他。
这可能不符合史实,我认为如果可以将LBJ更积极参与的一面放进剧本,电影的意义可能更大,尤其是当今民族融合出现裂痕的时候。
但剧本要造势也是情有可原。
无论如何,Wilkinson出色的完成了饰演这个版本的总统的任务,将LBJ口无遮拦满嘴脏话让人发笑的一面、以及他在政治上的立场和他对立法困境的头痛都表现了出来。
我看完并没有觉得LBJ是不想立法,是他真的没有足够的筹码,而最终还是MLK给他增加了筹码。
小配角们的表演也很好,制片人Oprah 饰演一个没有多少词的想要投票却投不了的小角色,她出镜的第一场戏从让人紧张到让人愤怒,非常动人。
饰演小配角的有大牌(比如Cuba Gooding Jr.饰演一个只有两场戏的律师,Martin Sheen也只演一个在那两场戏里出现的法官,Dylan Baker演J. Edgar Hoover,还有Rapper Common、The Wire的Wendell Pierce等等),也有小牌(Marmen Ejogo饰演MLK妻子Correta,Stephan James演现任议员John Lewis、Short Term 12的Keith Stanfield饰演Jimmie Lee Jackson)。
所有这些人的表演都值得尊重。
影片的感情很充沛,如果不反抗的话,两行泪迹是免不了的。
但同时剧本里也有些让人发笑的台词和情节,有时眼泪还没干就哈哈大笑了。
影片激发的感动是超越了种族的,因为影片中既不过度向自由派白人鞠躬,也不忽视超越种族的信仰的力量。
它使人感动的不仅仅是演说和压迫的大场面,它将片中人物的伤心、恐惧、愤怒、坚定、决心统统的传播给你,让人感受到的是那份对自由和平等的向往,对无理强权的绝望和抗争,对现实的反思,以及跟荧幕上角色和自己周围的观众对于一种信念的分享和彼此的精神拥抱。
虽然少数场景中犯了用音乐告诉你应该怎么感受的老毛病,但整体上观众还是有不加烹饪的、赤裸裸的情感反馈的。
这不仅是一部让自由派的人很受激励、让种族歧视的人很愤怒的感情造势上很成功的电影,它还是一部纯粹的好电影。
那些当年说Fruitvale Station是liberal propaganda的人,其中有些可能也饶不过这部影片。
但他们忽略了Fruitvale要讲的是什么,忽略了此片要讲的是什么。
有些人出国几年,听了一些美国极右派的论点,觉得正好可以扶持自己的偏见和恐惧,便马上采纳将自己武装起来,哪里可以出头就去哪里叫两句。
如今这种行为已经不再新鲜,已经让人觉得无聊了。
我去的这场放映非常有意思,现场黑人居多,白人也有,我这种亚洲人也不少。
电影一开场第一句话,我就没听到,因为坐在我前面第一排的一黑人小姑娘不能克制的哈哈大笑起来。
除非一位刚进来的老爷爷摸黑坐到了她的大腿上,我想不到任何她这样笑的理由。
而电影进行中Tim Roth出场的一刹那,她又发起了诡异的大笑,貌似还笑得喘不上气了。
我不认识这个女孩,姑且把她当成所谓帮倒忙的队友,为种族歧视提供借口的那种队友,但其实我们每一种团体里都能找到这种队友。
在她第二次大笑的时候,我正前方的一位老人一个箭步冲到她面前,指着她说,“小姐,我等了几十年就为了看这部电影,你最好给我安静点”,马上让她闭了嘴。
影片结束,伴着Common和John Legend的新曲Glory(歌词里还提到Ferguson)老人振臂举起左拳,并在结束后起立面对观众高呼:“记住Michael Brown,记住Eric Garner,我们的游行还没有结束!
” 我不了解这个老人,但我愿意相信他代表了某种脊梁,任何一个团体也都需要这种脊梁。
影片要大家做的其实很简单,而且其实在重复几十年前To Kill A Mockingbird里面告诉大家的东西:You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view... Until you climb inside of his skin and walk around in it. (除非你站在另一个人的立场上想问题,你永远无法理解她…你得穿上她的皮肤走上两遭。
)同情心和同理心——这就是电影让我们去拥抱的。
因为有些时候,套用电影The Interview里那句无厘头的真理——"They Hate Us 'Cuz They Ain't Us. (他们恨我们就因为他们不是我们)."这个道理讲了几十年,却依然需要讲,就说明Selma这部电影是有存在的必要性的。
赶上BLM于是Amazon Prime限免。
本来以为是个如《林肯》一般令人昏昏欲睡的片子但是看了10分钟之后发现完全不是那么回事。
本片没有小马丁路德金牧师(以下简称MLK)塑造成一个高大全形象,从一个胜利走向另一个胜利,反倒是化了不少时间拍MLK如何沮丧退缩徘徊艰难地向妻子坦白出轨,使得人物形象更丰富也更真实。
本片也是一部美国黑人如何争取投票权的简史。
理论上美国宪法第十三修正案赋予黑人投票权但是南方州用人头税和教育测试。
片中阿拉巴马州SELMA一个黑人大妈去注册投票,注册员先是让她背宪法序言然后再问阿拉巴马总共有几个县,大妈都答上来了结果再被刁难说要把县治安官的名字一个个都报出来。
另一方面因为黑人没有投票权州一级行政立法司法机构都被白人种族主义者把持,针对黑人的种族仇杀层出不穷,如电影里表现的伯明翰四女孩。
看片的时候可能要了解一下知识背景。
于是为了争取关注MLK组织了从SELMA到阿拉巴马首府蒙哥马利的进军以推动赋予黑人实质投票权的立法。
影片展现MLK如何动员,如何协调组织内部的分歧,如何将暴行展示在媒体尤其是电视媒体前,如何同更激进的Malcolm X分进合击,如何预演可能遇到的冲突,如何争取总统林登约翰逊(LBJ),如何争取国际同情,如何在法院挑战对行军的禁令,如何唤起白人尤其是宗教人士的支持和加入,如何认怂,如何安排后勤保障,如何安排医疗救护。
有勇有谋,简直如百科全书一般。
电影里MLK问LBJ,为啥美国能派成千上万的人去越南打仗,却无法派军队去阿拉巴马保护美国人民,LBJ哑口无言。
60年代民权运动之所以能取得胜利,跟美军深陷越战泥潭不无关系。
最后要说的是MLK的演说真的是很富有感染力,比后来那位同肤色的诺贝尔和平奖得主也就强个几十倍吧。
Response to SelmaLast week, I went to see the movie Selma in the theater. The reason I went to watch this movie is not because I wanted to watch it, but because I needed to get the extra credit for my EWRT 2 English class. Before I went to the theater, I watched the trailer of this movie, so I basically knew that this movie was about Martin Luther King, Jr. I only knew a little bit about Martin Luther King, Jr., who was the leader in the African-American Civil Rights Movement and delivered his famous “I have a Dream” speech. I guessed that the movie might be about what happened before and after Martin Luther King, Jr.’s famous speech. After watching the movie, I was surprised because this movie talked more about the speech, and it made me feel touched since it talked about the conflicts, struggles, and feelings of people. I think Selma is an amazing and meaningful movie to watch because of its story, actors, and emotion. The story of this movie talked about how African American people fought for their voting right and freedom by expressing conflicts between different positions of people and feelings of them, so I think this movie is a meaningful movie. In the movie, it basically talked about how Martin Luther King, Jr. appealed to Congress to pass the bill in order to protect the voting right of African American people. Besides, the movie showed a few main characters of the movement in the past, such as, Martin Luther King, Jr., his wife, the thirty-sixth president of the United States, Lyndon B. Johnson, and the governor of Alabama, George Wallace, etc. There were scenes that were showing speeches, demonstrations, and the brutal repressions of police. In addition, there were political conflicts between many different groups of people, such as Martin Luther King, Jr.’s non-violent movement, leaders of students, the President Lyndon B. Johnson’s white house, Alabama’s governor George Wallace, and the police of Selma. Since this movie talks about African Americans fought for their freedom and the right to vote, which is an important political history to Americans; also, people should watch this movie and learn more about Martin Luther King, Jr. and his movement. Selma not only has a good story, but also has a group of amazing actors who tried their best to successfully act their characters. David Oyelowo is the actor who played the role of Martin Luther King, Jr. I do not know how the real Martin Luther King, Jr. looks like. Even though Oyelowo did not particularly copy Martin Luther King, Jr., the way that he gave out the speech had the feeling and momentum of the real Martin Luther King, Jr. Also, Oyelowo really focused on some small details of Martin Luther King, Jr., which made me feel like that Oyelowo was exactly the Martin Luther King, Jr. in the movie. Moreover, Tim Roth played the role of the governor of Alabama, George Wallace. Also, Roth played this character successfully, and some words that he said make me laugh. Besides, the version of Tom Wilkinson’s President Lyndon B. Johnson is very good (“Selma (2014) Full Cast & Crew”). In the movie, President Lyndon B. Johnson became one of resistance of the bill advancing because the movie showed that the right to vote was not his primary political issues and goals, and he thought that Martin Luther King, Jr.’s movement hindered his agenda. However, he started to support what Martin Luther King, Jr. did and said after hearing the criticism and encouragement from Martin Luther King, Jr. In my opinion, Wilkinson did a great job of playing his version of President Lyndon B. Johnson. I think the President actually wanted to pass the legislation, but he did not have enough power to do it, and Martin Luther King, Jr. gave him the power or enlarged his power to pass the bill. Furthermore, there were a lot of powerful supporting actors, such as the film producer Oprah played a supporting character who wanted to vote, but could not vote in the movie. Also, Cuba Gooding Jr. acted a lawyer who only showed up twice in the movie. Even though there are many famous actors who played supporting characters in the movie, I think they did a good job to expressing each character’s emotions, and I respect them. Therefore, this movie Selma has a group of powerful and famous actors, and they all did a good job to perform in this movie. The movie Selma is an amazing movie, and it made a lot of people feel touched. When I went into the theater, there were a lot of African Americans and a few white people, and there were some Asian people like me. I could not pay my attention at the beginning of the movie because an African American little girl who sat in the front row kept laughing. When Tim Roth showed up at the scene, she laughed even harder than before. I did not know this girl, and I had no idea what she laughed about. Suddenly, I heard an old man walked up to her and said to the little girl, “Little girl, you better be quiet. I have been waiting this movie for many years.” I could feel how much the old man cared about this movie, and I knew that he really wanted to watch this movie carefully and intently. Also, I was glad that the little girl did not laugh again, so I could pay my attention on the movie. After two and a half hours, the movie ended with John Legend’s new song Glory, which was a nice song because I think this song helped me understand the feelings of the movie better. Suddenly, I saw the old man stood up, and he said out loud, “Remember Michael Brown, Remember Eric Garner. Our parade is not over yet.” I did not know this old man, and I did not really pay attention to what he said about. I thought this movie encouraged him something. Later, I did some research about what the old man said, and I found out that the two names that he mentioned were two African Americans who were dead because of some unfair reasons. Therefore, this movie made people sympathy because some people knew the feeling of inequality of people of color; also, I am an Asian, and some white people have treated me unfairly or looked down at me. This amazing movie not only made people touched, but also made me sympathy. In fact, I cried and laughed while I was watching the movie. Sometimes, there were funny scenes and dialogues that made me laugh right after some scenes made me cried. The reason I became sympathy about this movie is not only because of its powerful speech and memorable scenes, but also because I could directly feel the sadness, fear, anger, or determinations of the characters in the movie. I could see the struggles of how people fought for their freedom and equality and the feeling of how they really wanted the right to vote and freedom. Each actor put lots of emotions and effort to perform the characters, and each staff who worked behind the scenes tried their best to produce an amazing movie. Also, the background music helped me a lot to understand the feelings of the scenes. Therefore, staffs and actors put a lot of efforts into the movie, and they produced a wonderful movie that truly expresses the emotions of each character in the movie., which made me touched. From my point of view, I think people should go to watch this movie Selma because of its story, a group of powerful actors who accomplished their tasks on performing each character, and a group of staffs who put many efforts into the movie. This movie talked about an important political history that Martin Luther King, Jr. led a group of people to fight for the right to vote and freedom of African American. Also, there were a lot of powerful and famous actors who played main or supporting characters in the movie, and all of them perfectly accomplished their jobs to express each character’s feeling. Furthermore, staffs behind the scenes put music, set up the scenes, and edited the movie in order to make the movie powerful and emotional. Therefore, I think this movie is a very meaningful movie, and we should produce more movies like Selma. Work Cited“Selma (2014) Full Cast & Crew” Imdb. IMDb.com, Inc., 2014. Web. 14 March 2015.
说点电影以外的一点个人感受:1, 马丁实在是一个出色的演讲家,他的演讲非常具有鼓动性,他天生就是一个演讲家和活动家!
立志提高自己演讲能力的同学,不可不参考马丁啊。
尽管马丁不是一个完美的人,野史总被人勾出来说,但我依然觉得他很伟大。
因为作为民权活动家,本身就冒着巨大的风险,但是他有勇气,不畏强权,而且坚持下去。
对一个人指指点点很容易,但做到他这份上,我敢说没多少人会这样。
2,南北战争打破了贩卖奴隶的习俗,而马丁的民权运动才真正free the black。
美国能够从当黑人作猪狗一样(见《为奴十二载》),到现在黑人能当总统,真是了不起。
没错,现代美国还是有对黑人的歧视(何止是黑人,还有其他肤色人种),但是一个国家能够有如此飞跃进步,不容易!
看看别的国家能不能让有色人种当总统?
让我感动的,是黑人们选择非暴力的方式,如同甘地提倡的一样(见《甘地传》),看上起很weak,但最终战胜邪恶的,却是非暴力。
这让我想到伦茨的中篇小说《灯塔船》,为什么船长坚持非暴力对抗罪恶。
3,游行。
游行的背后有多少准备和力量的较量,有多少鲜血铺路啊。
游行能够聚集人的力量,能够感化更多的人,从甘地到马丁,都意识到这个力量。
这也许是为什么我朝极力压制不让人们三五成群了。
虽然不同国家不可比,但内心默默觉得在我朝事件死掉的人悲哀。
人们努力了,却依然无法撼动民主自由的巨轮。
不得不说,下飞机没多久就看午夜场,很累,加上电影开头确实不是那么简单、容易消化,前二十分钟实在有些难以集中,几次差点睡着。
但随着电影中的气氛一点点积攒、升温,紧张感加强,就这样一点点build up,我竟变得异常清醒。
而且画面的处理也非常好评,视觉的冲击力极大地弥补了因电影的困难(其实困难这个词用的不是那么贴切,但又一时想不出如何形容,意会吧)而带来的沉闷。
总之,整体的情绪把握非常到位,加上超强的BGM,最后还是很震撼的感觉。
尤其因为当时我在美国,更能体会那样的心理,但文化之间的差异还是会影响很多人的欣赏,令人觉得枯燥、甚至是没必要的压抑。
打四分一点是因为文化差异必定是大问题,令一点就是作为一部具有历史性的影片不够严谨,不过为了不剧透就不再细说。
平等不应该只是口头上的,不应该只是形式上的,无论你的肤色如何,只要你属于人类,都应该具有平等的权利。
在社会文明已经如此进步的现代,这本应是毋庸置疑的。
可即便到了今天,真正意义上的平等也从未存在。
因为总是有很多很多思想意识根源里就就暗藏歧视毒瘤的人们,即便有更多更多愿意挺身站出来为平等奋战的斗士。
一边高呼众生平等,一边端着猎枪恣意的任行歧视、强权、霸权,这是自由最大的悲哀。
在当前的国际社会风云变幻下看这部电影,莫名感慨。
自由民主平等博爱貌似在慢慢进步了,突然,有那么个特殊时点特殊地点特殊事件,温情脉脉的面纱乍然撕开,狰狞的真相刺瞎了世人的双眼。
人性要战胜兽性是不是一场没有尽头的拉锯战,衣食无忧世界太平时候是一副光景,利益冲突你抢我夺时候又是另一副光景。
那些莫名优越霸凌同类者们请把此片当作每日的圣经吧,一日三省,尤其是身居高位者别干蠢事别说蠢话,生而为人要善良。
大赞金博士,冷静理智勇敢坚定地引领弱势群体争取正当权利。
今日的华莱士州长又回血重生,今日的金博士你在何方。
《塞尔玛》真的是一部“主旋律电影”吗?
在中国大陆的语境里,“主旋律电影”暗示该电影或多或少地有官方参与投资、制作和发行,又或者暗示该电影顺从甚至直接宣扬官方的意识形态。
据我所知,美国政府并没有在前者有明显的行为,所以我将对后者的进行简单讨论。
诚然,马丁·路德·金早已成为美国官方历史中的一个正面形象,甚至还有一个以他命名的公众假期;毫无疑问,他是家喻户晓的“非暴力抗争”德谟克拉西斗士。
问题是,很多人听到更多是“非暴力”的一面,而有意无意地忽略“抗争”;于是,当人们把金理解成一位宣扬和平的好人时似乎忘记了一点:“非暴力”是抗争的手段。
为何轻视“抗争”的一面?
当大家通过电影知道他抗争的对象是谁的时候,便应该清楚为何有人希望淡化“抗争”了。
稍有常识的人都知道,金并不是唯一一位非裔民权社运家;对历史有过思考的人也应该都知道,当官方不得不把这些非裔社运家写进历史的时候会作怎样的选择。
举另一个更有名的例子。
金在1963年的华盛顿游行中讲到他做了的一个梦,但正史甚少提及的是,他在同一篇演说中还提到黑人这次游行到华盛顿是来兑现一张支票的,一张关于“生存权、自由权和追求幸福权”的支票,但美国政府一直都“没有足够的经费”来兑现。
于是,当我们把这篇演说放在心灵鸡汤栏目时,是否应该思考如下问题:如果我们把该文章的题目改成“没有足够的经费”,那它是否还有同等的意义?
我们为何会被引导去“梦”这一块而不是“经费”这一块?
官方历史会希望你去记住哪一部分?
我们应当如何看待非裔的斗争历史?
我经常会看到一种很有问题的表述:非裔能争取到权利是因为他们受到宪法保护。
这样的表述在我看来是本末倒置。
我们应该问:美国有宪法和修正案,为何非裔还需要作流血牺牲来争权?
假设宪法和修正案真有根本解决问题的效力,那种族问题早应该在十九世纪七十年代就得到解决了;那时国会一连串地通过十三、十四和十五修正案,分别废除奴隶制、保障公民受到法律的同等保护以及不能因肤色而剥夺一名男性的投票权。
正如历史所示,问题并没有得到解决。
首先修正案存在很多漏洞让人钻空子,比如在投票方面,不同州可以在投票处设立各种表面上不打种族主义旗号的限制(如《塞尔玛》开始所示);其次,也是更显而易见的一个问题:法律通过了就能消除人心中的种族歧视吗(试想一下曾经被你瞧不起的商品突然和你有一样的权利)?
另一方面,自奴隶制废除后,种族问题显得越发复杂。
奴隶们被解放了,但他们没有经济基础(在佃农和城市化中继续被剥削)或政治基础(限制投票和参选的手段多的是,于是非裔难被选上,就算被选上,他/她有多大程度不受白人政治影响?
)。
于是在平权运动的发展过程中,人们越发认识到种族与经济和政治息息相关;歧视并不止表现在奴隶主打奴隶上,还表现在政策、就业和住房分配等的各个方面;这些复杂的关系使得种族歧视者能够打着其他的旗号(如貌似客观的统计数据)、通过貌似不分肤色的机构手段来实现(如“管理高犯罪率或低收入的社群”),并能轻易否认“种族主义者”的身份;另一方面,政府在让社区增权益能、受教育和就业等方面则是敷衍了事,官僚体制更让其效果大打折扣甚至起反作用,同时还紧抓着个别成功的例子宣称美国已进入“后种族时代”。
在这样复杂的局面下要再谈论种族问题,进步社团只能冒着被贴“种族主义者”的标签来大喊“黑人生命很重要”了,又或者像费格森示威者那样通过简单直接的方法来凸显种族和经济之间的关系,又或者在主流政治内艰难地反对着投票者身份证法案(又一限制投票的手段,Wiki: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Voter_ID_laws_in_the_United_States )。
当种族涉及到美国的政治和经济基础问题时,“黑”与“白”便不仅仅是肤色区别了。
上述的大多数内容在美国主流文化输出中可能甚少被提及,于是我们只看到被“净化”过的马丁·路德·金在步出塞尔玛时的伟岸身影,并觉得那一刻正是所谓“美国德谟克拉西优越性”的重要体现,而难以察觉该逻辑的荒谬,更别提其背后的复杂历史和社会背景了。
可惜的是,《塞尔玛》也正是美国主流文化输出的一个商品。
它有着大片厂的投资和发行,制作精良,内容上走着好莱坞文艺片简单的煽情和二元对立,虽尝试表现金的人格弱点以及联邦政府的暧昧态度,但中规中矩的戏剧套路让其丧失了批判力度和联系古今的机会,成为又一部“通过诉说历史让历史成为过去”的电影。
当然,在好莱坞越来越保守的今天,让一部主流叙事片去直接质疑和批判其国家的政治和经济基础并煽动普通民众走上街头未免要求过高,毕竟它要保证不引起争端,从而顺利制作、发行和提名小金人。
从这方面看,如果美国的终极意识形态是资本主义的话,那《塞尔玛》还真算是一部“主旋律电影”。
(写于“塞尔玛血腥星期天”五十周年)注:本文无意就马丁·路德·金本人或其1963年华盛顿游行的演说(还有所有其他演说)作任何结论或猜测,更没有试图贬低其演说中的任何信息。
附1:The selection of facts from the past involves an interpretation, a sense of priorities, a sense of values as to what matters. History can be a very strong weapon for people who wish to construct a certain movement in a certain direction. - Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.附2:And we are not wrong; we are not wrong in what we are doing. (Well) If we are wrong, the Supreme Court of this nation is wrong. (Yes sir) [applause] If we are wrong, the Constitution of the United States is wrong. (Yes) [applause] If we are wrong, God Almighty is wrong. (That's right) [applause] If we are wrong, Jesus of Nazareth was merely a utopian dreamer that never came down to Earth. (Yes) [applause] If we are wrong, justice is a lie (Yes), love has no meaning. [applause] And we are determined here in Montgomery to work and fight until justice runs down like water (Yes), [applause] and righteousness like a mighty stream. (12/05/1955)You have a dual citizenry. You live both in time and eternity; both in heaven and earth. Therefore, your ultimate allegiance is not to the government, not to the state, not to nation, not to any man-made institution. The Christian owes his ultimate allegiance to God, and if any earthly institution conflicts with God's will it is your Christian duty to take a stand against it. You must never allow the transitory evanescent demands of man-made institutions to take precedence over the eternal demands of the Almighty God. (11/04/1956)First, there is need for strong, aggressive leadership from the federal government. So far, only the judicial branch of the government has evinced this quality of leadership. If the executive and legislative branches of the government were as concerned about the protection of our citizenship rights as the federal courts have been, then the transition from a segregated to an integrated society would be infinitely smoother. But we so often look to Washington in vain for this concern. In the midst of the tragic breakdown of law and order, the executive branch of the government is all too silent and apathetic. In the midst of the desperate need for civil rights legislation, the legislative branch of the government is all too stagnant and hypocritical. (05/17/1957)Democracy is the greatest form of government to my mind that man has ever conceived, but the weakness is that we have never touched it. Isn’t it true that we have often taken necessities from the masses to give luxuries to the classes? Isn’t it true that we have often in our democracy trampled over individuals and races with the iron feet of oppression? Isn’t it true that through our Western powers we have perpetuated colonialism and imperialism? And all of these things must be taken under consideration as we look at Russia. We must face the fact that the rhythmic beat of the deep rumblings of discontent from Asia and Africa is at bottom a revolt against the imperialism and colonialism perpetuated by Western civilization all these many years. The success of communism in the world today is due to the failure of democracy to live up to the noble ideals and principles inherent in its system. (11/17/1957)You express a great deal of anxiety over our willingness to break laws. This is certainly a legitimate concern. Since we so diligently urge people to obey the Supreme Court's decision of 1954 outlawing segregation in the public schools, at first glance it may seem rather paradoxical for us consciously to break laws. One may well ask: "How can you advocate breaking some laws and obeying others?" The answer lies in the fact that there are two types of laws: just and unjust. I would be the first to advocate obeying just laws. One has not only a legal but a moral responsibility to obey just laws. Conversely, one has a moral responsibility to disobey unjust laws. I would agree with St. Augustine that "an unjust law is no law at all." (04/16/1963)It is a sad fact that because of comfort, complacency, a morbid fear of communism, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the Western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now become the arch antirevolutionaries. This has driven many to feel that only Marxism has a revolutionary spirit. Therefore, communism is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated. Our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism. With this powerful commitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when "every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain." (04/04/1967)When the Constitution was written, a strange formula to determine taxes and representation declared that the Negro was sixty percent of a person. Today another curious formula seems to declare he is fifty percent of a person. Of the good things in life, the Negro has approximately one half those of whites. Of the bad things of life, he has twice those of whites. Thus, half of all Negroes live in substandard housing. And Negroes have half the income of whites. When we turn to the negative experiences of life, the Negro has a double share: There are twice as many unemployed; the rate of infant mortality among Negroes is double that of whites; and there are twice as many Negroes dying in Vietnam as whites in proportion to their size in the population. (08/16/1967)In 1863 the Negro was told that he was free as a result of the Emancipation Proclamation being signed by Abraham Lincoln. But he was not given any land to make that freedom meaningful. It was something like keeping a person in prison for a number of years and suddenly discovering that that person is not guilty of the crime for which he was convicted. And you just go up to him and say, "Now you are free," but you don’t give him any bus fare to get to town. You don’t give him any money to get some clothes to put on his back or to get on his feet again in life. Every court of jurisprudence would rise up against this, and yet this is the very thing that our nation did to the black man. It simply said, "You’re free," and it left him there penniless, illiterate, not knowing what to do. And the irony of it all is that at the same time the nation failed to do anything for the black man, though an act of Congress was giving away millions of acres of land in the West and the Midwest. Which meant that it was willing to undergird its white peasants from Europe with an economic floor. (03/31/1968)当然,还有我最喜欢的一句:Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. (04/16/1963)关于华盛顿游行的另一个观点:It’s just like when you’ve got some coffee that’s too black, which means it’s too strong. What you do? You integrate it with cream; you make it weak. If you pour too much cream in, you won’t even know you ever had coffee. It used to be hot, it becomes cool. It used to be strong, it becomes weak. It used to wake you up, now it’ll put you to sleep. This is what they (民权领袖们) did with the march on Washington. They joined it. They didn’t integrate it; they infiltrated it. They joined it, became a part of it, took it over. And as they took it over, it lost its militancy. They ceased to be angry. They ceased to be hot. They ceased to be uncompromising. Why, it even ceased to be a march. It became a picnic, a circus. Nothing but a circus, with clowns and all. You had one right here in Detroit — I saw it on television — with clowns leading it, white clowns and black clowns. I know you don’t like what I’m saying, but I’m going to tell you anyway. ’Cause I can prove what I’m saying. If you think I’m telling you wrong, you bring me Martin Luther King and A. Philip Randolph and James Farmer and those other three, and see if they’ll deny it over a microphone.No, it was a sellout. It was a takeover. When James Baldwin came in from Paris, they wouldn’t let him talk, ’cause they couldn’t make him go by the script. Burt Lancaster read the speech that Baldwin was supposed to make; they wouldn’t let Baldwin get up there, ’cause they know Baldwin’s liable to say anything. They controlled it so tight — they told those Negroes what time to hit town, how to come, where to stop, what signs to carry, what song to sing, what speech they could make, and what speech they couldn’t make; and then told them to get out town by sundown. And everyone of those Toms (汤姆叔叔)was out of town by sundown. Now I know you don’t like my saying this. But I can back it up. It was a circus, a performance that beat anything Hollywood could ever do, the performance of the year. Reuther and those other three devils should get a Academy Award for the best actors ’cause they acted like they really loved Negroes and fooled a whole lot of Negroes. And the six Negro leaders should get an award too, for the best supporting cast. (Malcolm X on March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, 11/10/1963. Malcolm X的思想在人生最后一年发生重大变化,故决不能就上述摘录而归纳其对民权运动的看法,就像不能用金的一篇演说来总结金一样)再次强调:本文无意就马丁·路德·金本人或其1963年华盛顿游行的演说(还有所有其他演说)作任何结论或猜测,更没有试图贬低其演说中的任何信息。
所有向往“美国梦”的人,恐怕看了这部电影要失望了,因为这部电影明确的告诉你:美国梦,不是对于所有人都是平等的。
明白这个道理当然并不意味着什么,它的深刻之处在于,这种不平等所带的对于种族和肤色的歧视和杀戮是多么的惨无人道和蛮不讲理,我想请你们记住,这是发生在一个标榜自由和平等的国家,这是一件发生在1965年的新近故事,这是一个看似完结,其实永无终点的历程。
故事的开篇不是讲马丁路德金的斗争历程,这个时候的金已经在林肯纪念堂前发表了那篇震撼人心的演讲,他的人权运动也取得巨大的成功,为此,在电影开篇,他就获得了诺贝尔和平奖,之后,他受到总统接见,在总统看来,金的事业已经差不多了,所以,不要让他从越战上再度分心,金听出了总统的深意,他想断然拒绝,却欲言又止,在他的心里,行动远比言语重要,他要回到黑人当中,忘记那些荣耀,再度的和那些黑人同胞一起,走向下一个胜利。
他将目标选在投票权上,地点是塞尔玛。
这座城市是美国黑人问题最严重的阿拉巴马州的一座小城,在这里,他遇到了故事的反派——乔治华莱士,这个人是种族主义者的坚定支持者,我觉得如果有可能,他的人生同样是一个精彩的电影故事,但在这部电影中,他只是个固执的成见者,一个凶狠的刽子手。
于是,双方开始爆发矛盾,在电影中,矛盾有三个:第一个矛盾,白人与黑人的矛盾,这个矛盾最终激化的结果是,一个黑人被白人警察无故打死,在这件事上,总统约翰逊保持了沉默,显然,它激怒了那些并未加入民权运动的黑人,并在一定程度上引起了白人种族的同情。
第二个矛盾,美国情报局利用收集到的情报恶意攻击马丁路德金,破坏其领袖形象,在电影中,这主要涉及金的家庭矛盾,他的妻子坚定地支持金的事业,但却饱受各种恐吓与威胁,她想确信金是否还爱她,对于这份事业是否还坚定不移,他们的爱情在最终经受住了考验。
第三个矛盾,白人同情者遭到了塞尔玛当地警察的围殴,结果,致其死亡,在这里,多多少少涉及到了一点3K党的故事,但是电影并没有展开,这也是美国历史最为黑暗的一部分,也正是由于这位白人同情者的死亡,巨大的民愤在美国被激起,于是,约翰逊终于不能沉默,不能保持其中立立场(其实暗地里反对民权运动),站出来,承若会兑现黑人的投票权,马丁路德金终于达成了自己的胜利。
在影片最后,黑人从塞尔玛走向蒙哥马利的游行震撼人心,这是一场多么来之不易的胜利,在蒙哥马利的议会大厦,马丁路德金发表了一场震撼人心的演讲,我不知道这已经是第几次说“震撼人心的演讲”这个词了,但毫无疑问,这场压轴的演讲是精彩无比的,它让我们从压抑和悲观中解脱出来,呼吸到了自由和胜利的气息!
影片在此戛然而止,结束的干净利落,是的,作为传记片,它所传达的作用已经达到,但是,作为历史呢?
也就是在故事的三年后,即1968年4月,马丁·路德·金在前往孟菲斯市,领导工人罢工后,被人刺杀,那一年他年仅39岁,领导美国民权运动12载!
最有学习价值的一部美国电影了解美国社会现在和过去的电影有《为奴十二年》《达拉斯买家俱乐部》《荒野猎人》《比利林恩的中场战事》《塞尔玛》等,其中《塞尔玛》是最有学习价值的一部电影。
从这部电影,可以了解非暴力抵抗运动及其斗争谈判技巧,了解演讲的宣传鼓动技巧,还可以了解社会活动家的工作与生活,了解美国曾经的民权状况。
这个电影里有马丁路德金的几段演讲,可以和鲁迅的相关演讲来对比,其中一段演讲who murdered jimmy类似《纪念刘和珍君》。
还可以比较社会活动家和文学家对社会的影响力。
文学家大多是性情率直,可能更擅长指出问题,但缺少行动能力和方法,不擅长推动变革,所以呐喊之后会彷徨。
还可以比较五四运动和塞尔玛大游行。
还可以联想到另外一个著名人物《寂静的春天》作者蕾切尔,都是小人物,因发起一场运动推动了社会变革而载入历史。
还想到为环保呼吁的柴静,质疑转基因的崔永元。
当然,这部电影纯粹是部塑造英雄的电影,有美化和丑化人物的成份。
除了男主的表演有几个瞬间很赞,以及有几个小黑哥帅得令人发指以外别无长处,拿不到奥斯卡跟评委全是白人男性没什么干系。
金是当之无愧的大师,几次演讲令人非常难忘。
真的是靠着政治正确被提名的吧。全片在一个多小时后才进入状态,一会儿想拍成马丁路德金的传记,展现他慷慨激昂的演讲之外的一面,一会儿又想拍成展现民权运动,宏大时代背景的历史片,结果就是不伦不类,马丁路德金的形象没塑造深刻,其他出现的白人和黑人更是浮光掠影,随便换另外一个角度都会更感人
不是特别喜欢这种用心良苦、目的性太过明确的主旋律电影。虽然做得很好,但是总觉得一切都在意料之中,激情之余少了一点厚度。
没有拍成hagiography反倒像弗朗西斯科罗西或者[the organizer]. DuVernay才是2014 breakthrough director啊 桥上setpiece简直猩球崛起 幸好结尾没有'现在我们叫它电脑'这样的傻逼title card
聚焦于一点来关注整个民权运动的开始而不是铺开来讲是这部电影最大的成功, 通过一个细节展现了团结在MLK周围的一大群各式各样的民权斗士在那个年代为了自由和平等所付出的艰辛的努力,在当下的美国我想更加具有特殊的意义。影片看点有:一,男主在演讲中的表现;二,扮演Lee的爷爷在太平间门口的表演
白人坏事做尽。开头和中段都很好,用很克制的镜头语言去描绘种族苦难和马丁路德金的奋战,开头爆炸恐袭的镜头极具冲击力,但是结尾稍微弱了一点,对LBJ的塑造也不够。最喜欢的桥段还是人们在桥上收到州警攻击时,背景音乐是欢快昂扬的福音歌,这是对受难的崇高歌颂,是对暴力最彻头彻尾的嘲弄。
Chose, vote, election, chose, vote, election.
这里牵扯着政治问题显得很高深的样子………
good speech & good acting, but the storyline is too straightforward, so nothing special to talk about~ there's also strong stereotyping towards White people, too much prejudice and personal emotions involved, I don't like it.
最讨厌看传记片了
2016.2.13/2.14.934 电影本身拍的只能说还行,但是那段历史,那段遭遇,实在让人痛彻心扉,依旧是很标准的颁奖季片子
面对美国近年来人权倒退的现状,这部电影的出现似乎是时势所取,但缺点在于缺乏变化和多样性,虽然力求寻找新的视角,但是相对于此类型的影片还是没有太多的突破点。
国外也是有主旋律电影的
这不是一部个人传记片,却塑造了很多人的传奇。历史充满了灾难和伤痛,美国的黑人民权运动却异常艰难和特殊的。同为国家的公民,却敢于发泄比敌人更多的怒火和暴力,为此牺牲了很多勇敢和善良的生命,这是场没有硝烟的战争,影片代表美国向先驱们致敬!偏见和执拗依然在今天存在。
亮点是那些演讲
历史传记的电影实在太难拍得好看了。
Really powerful movie. I think actually more people can feel connected to or resonant with this movie than 12 Years a Slave. "When shall we be free? Soon, very soon! Because you will reap what you sow!"
3.26 @ 香港百老汇电影中心
马丁路德金像神一样,sheriff则坏到之后的不幸都被暗示是命运的惩罚。这种题材本就不追求什么立体人物,要的就是正义战胜邪恶的崇高与澎湃。不过脸谱化也算是一种历史的审判